Here is the second in a series of extracts from the autobiography of former Torfaen MP Paul Murphy. In this extract, he talks of his time in the midst of The Troubles in Northern Ireland.

TONY AND MO had decided that I should be the Political Development Minister for Northern Ireland.

As direct rule from Westminster was in operation, I would also be Finance Minister and Minister responsible for European issues. I was plunged straight in at the deep end, and I faced enormous challenges; I had had no ministerial experience but, at almost 50 years of age, I had been a shadow Minister for nine years and, before that, had served as chair of my council’s finance committee for a decade.

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South Wales Argus:

(Mo Mowlam and Paul Murphy)

In Northern Ireland, I was blessed with a great boss in Mo Mowlam, who was also a friend, and I had some fine and experienced team colleagues.

By this time, Mo was building up a formidable reputation as a communicator and motivator. She brought with her a fresh approach to Northern Ireland and, as a woman, reached out to many people who previously had no interest in politics. She had a fiery enthusiasm and a superior intellect, and took to the job very easily. By this time, of course, she had been diagnosed with the brain tumour that eventually killed her, and she wore a wig to cover the hair loss caused by radiotherapy treatment. She often found the hairpiece irritating, and (to the astonishment of those with whom she was in conversation) would sometimes take it off without warning, frequently at some point of impatience, frustration or celebration in proceedings.

South Wales Argus:

(Paul Murphy outside the House of Commons)

Mo was very easy to work with, though rightly demanding, and I cannot recall ever having a disagreement with her. We would constantly meet socially, either at her residence at Hillsborough Castle or in a restaurant in Belfast or in London. I got on very well with her husband, Jon, a Labour-supporting banker, and both her step-children.

Often on weekends, we would spend time together with her guests at Hillsborough – Neil Kinnock, actor Richard Wilson, Andrew Marr, Mike Cashman, the American ambassador, always somebody interesting – and we even played charades indoors and croquet outdoors!

Her mind was constantly active and she would often phone me in the middle of the night to discuss some issue or other, and would arrive at the office armed with a list of 20 or 30 problems and issues she would want to attend to during the day. She had a keen sense of humour and often used very colourful language – sometimes shocking the more staid politicians in Belfast.

Younger than me, Mo was all in all an amazing character who became the darling of the Labour Party, and to a certain extent of the country. We maintained our friendship all her life, and I still miss her.

As a Minister of State, I was entitled to a parliamentary private secretary. I chose Mike Gapes, MP (from 1992) for Ilford South. A former chair of the National Organisation of Labour Students, Mike had also been the international secretary of the Labour Party, and he was to become chair of the influential House of Commons Select Committee on Foreign Affairs.

The Northern Ireland departments were run by a technically separate civil service, the Northern Ireland Civil Service (NICS). The NIO civil servants were some of the finest in the so-called Home Civil Service, and were specifically chosen to deal with one of the country’s most serious problems.

Naturally, much of my time was now spent in Belfast. I had one office in Stormont castle, a second as Finance Minister in Bangor, County Down, and a third in Castle Buildings where the talks were being held. I lived in Stormont House. I also shared the building with MI5!

All of this provided the domestic background to the high drama of the political talks. On the British side, the NIO and No. 10 were the major players. Tony Blair was hugely committed to the peace process, and without him there would have been no Good Friday Agreement. Tony visited and stayed in Belfast on countless occasions, and put all his energy and talents into the success of the process. His main advisers were his chief of staff Jonathan Powell, his chief press officer Alistair Campbell and his most senior private secretary Sir John Holmes.

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Naturally, the Northern Ireland politicians were at the centre of the drama and all of them were soon part of my life; most became good friends, and although they differed enormously and often dramatically, I never doubted their sincerity or commitment to the overall objectives of peace and stability in Northern Ireland. Naturally, they all had their own views on how to achieve these two objectives.

On the Unionist side, David Trimble, Reg Empey, Ian Paisley, Peter Robinson, John Taylor and Ken McGuinness all played their part – as did David Ervine and others among their loyalist counterparts.

From a nationalist point of view, John Hume, Seamus Mallon and Mark Durkan had spent their time bringing peace and prosperity to Northern Ireland, while the Republicans Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and Gerry Kelly brought Sinn Féin into government and led the Republican movement out of the so-called armed struggle.

The players in the drama were not confined to these islands. The USA had a huge role, especially under President Bill Clinton and later George W. Bush. Congress was to play its part too, with the likes of Senator Ted Kennedy and many others, and Irish America in general. The European Union saw Northern Ireland as a major problem to be dealt with in its own jurisdiction, and the UK’s and Ireland’s joint membership of this club meant that we were able to contemplate change that had been impossible to achieve in the past.

These were the main actors in the talks process. After the publication of the Mitchell Principles in 1996, the talks formally started. In the same year, the IRA bombed Canary Wharf in London, and then Manchester’s Arndale Shopping Centre; despite these setbacks, and also in 1996, proximity talks began. This meant that the parties would not actually meet face to face, but would be in the same building (or at least, not far away from each other), and a Northern Ireland Forum was elected. Representatives of the parties elected to this body were appointed to be formal negotiators at Castle Buildings –providing the structure of the talks process, which was eventually successful in producing the Good Friday Agreement.

The peace talks were suspended for the British General Election, which was to be held on 1 May 1997. The Irish General Election also took place just over a month later, on 6 June. The talks began again in June, while the IRA were at the same time given five weeks to resume their ceasefire, which was the pre-condition for Sinn Féin’s entry to the talks.

In the large, rather ugly office buildings that were Castle Buildings in Belfast, George and his vice-chairmen had their own offices along with the two governments and all the participating political parties. Activity was constant, generally over a five-day week and sometimes at weekends. It was very much a full-time process, and enabled meetings to take place at every level – government to government, government to parties, all to George Mitchell and his team. I have travelled to many places in an advisory capacity on conflict resolution, and I have always emphasised that any peace process must be full-time.

Paul Murphy: Peacemaker is available now.